Perception and reality


The most recent poll by the North American Caribbean Teachers Association (NACTA) has found that most people believe corruption is increasing in Trinidad and Tobago. This finding matches a recent rating given to TT by the Trinidad and Tobago Transparency Institute (TTTI) in its Corruption Perception Index, which saw this country slipping in its international rating for the second straight year.


There is an apparent paradox here, however. Both TTTI and NACTA are looking at the perception of corruption, not actual corruption. And when the United National Congress (UNC) was in power, there was a widespread perception of corruption, exacerbated by the indifference of those persons accused of corrupt activities. There was former Finance Minister Brian Kuei Tung who said he hadn’t taken any vow of poverty; then — Local Government Minister Dhanraj Singh literally wining over allegations of fraud; and then — Prime Minister Basdeo Panday snarling "That’s insulting!" when asked about certain clandestine deals. Indeed, the NACTA poll found that most respondents, including UNC supporters, give Prime Minister Patrick Manning higher marks for fighting corruption than Mr Panday.


So why is there a greater perception of corruption now? Part of the answer may lie in the image of the PNM. While the UNC acquired its corrupt image within four years in office, the PNM carries historical baggage of half-a-century. The ghosts of Johnny O’Halloran and Francis Prevatt, the Caroni Racing Complex and DC-9 scandals, continue to haunt the party. But that is not the whole story. It may also be that citizens intuitively understand the intransigence of organisational cultures. Once an organisation establishes certain values and behaviour, it is very difficult to transform these things. So there may be a strong perception that the PNM facilitates the activities of "smartmen," sees nothing wrong with nepotism, and spends wildly.


None of this, however, is the crux of the matter. The core concern must be how far perception matches reality. Official corruption does not only have to do with Government ministers allegedly using their posts for ill-gotten gains. It also has to do with bribes being paid for what should be standard services provided by the State; by regulations being flouted or bypassed; by citizens’ basic rights being transgressed; and by persons being elevated or demoted by non-meritocratic criteria.


So the skewing of funds in the URP and the expenditure on CEPEP, the appointment of the Prime Minister’s wife as Education Minister, the suits brought against Mr Manning in respect to promotions in the Public Service, the PNM administration’s interference with the Freedom of Information Act and attempted interference with the Judicial Review Act — all these factors may feed in to the estimates of corrupt activities under the present regime.


Against this, Mr Manning and Attorney General John Jeremie have done their duty in terms of facilitating investigations into three of their own on fraud allegations. This action has not been able to reverse the perception of increasing corruption, but these events are relatively recent. It is clear that the Government needs to do more in other areas if it is to reduce, not merely the perception, but actual corruption in official circles.

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"Perception and reality"

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