Finding our way

After all, it was not so long ago that Mr Panday’s standard song was for the society to reflect a meritocracy. The Opposition’s recent attack on the EBC, on the basis of the Commission’s racial imbalance, is simply a variation on a strategy that, in the UNC’s view, worked for the PNM in the last general election.

At the same time, the issue which the UNC has raised, whatever their agenda, is admittedly a thorny one in a plural society. On the one hand, key bodies such as the EBC, the Integrity Commission and, indeed, the Parliament itself, should reflect all interests of the society. On the other hand, the institutionalisation of racial quotas carries with it the danger of choosing persons who are not the best candidates for the job and so creating lower standards.

Different societies have come up with different strategies to mediate between the desire for ethnic representation and the need for meritocratic standards. However, there is no particular strategy that has worked especially well in all places. Sometimes, the same strategy has been effective in one country and disastrous in another. The lesson to be drawn here is that any solution is dependent on the cultural mores of the particular society, especially in reference to ethnic identity.

So the key question in Trinidad (though not so much Tobago) is this: is ethnic contestation here so strong that the benefits of racial quotas outweigh the benefits of meritocracy? This is not an easy question to answer. The loudness of those complaining about ethnic and racial bias is certainly no guide, since this is often just a case of squeaky wheels looking for grease. The question could, however, be settled empirically by a survey of the percentage of marriages between Afro- and Indo-Trinidadians; the racial composition of sports clubs, professional associations, cooperatives, and other formal groups; and an opinion poll on what criteria the populace would prefer in appointing persons to official posts. If such a survey finds there is a significantly high percentage of racial interaction, plus minority support for race-based quotas, then "racial balance" need not be represented in all key commissions and State boards. If the survey finds the opposite, however, then such quotas are probably necessary to soothe ethnic insecurities.

But, in our view, racial passions in TT are not strong enough to justify the latter option. Indeed, we think that there is a real danger that such passions as do exist could become dangerously inflamed if ethnic differences are formalised politically. At the same time, we concur that the present system cannot be allowed to remain as it is, precisely because it leaves itself open to charges of nepotism, political prejudice, and racial bias. What needs to happen is that appointments to key bodies, such as the EBC and the Integrity Commission, should be made by an independent body, perhaps headed by the President. It may even be necessary that potential candidates be vetted publicly before being appointed. In this way, the society can stymie charges of bias and elevate persons who fulfil the criteria of meritocracy.