Carnival — to a holistic assessment (Part 5)

As regards foreign exchange derived from the festival, the Central Bank confirmed that there were no abnormal inflows. And, against whatever inflows were noted in the banking system, we must take into account the outflows of foreign currency required to pay for the imported goods and services utilised for Carnival as well as the increased imports of general consumption items.

After making the set-off, it is questionable whether there was any net addition to the foreign exchange balances of the country. The preposterous claim has also been made that Trini-Carnival is exported to more than 100 countries which literally means the vast majority of countries in the world. If we stretch credibility and assume that this was so, what indeed are the economic benefits for this country from this scale of hitherto unknown export activity?

In the four preceding columns I have dealt with the extravagant claim that Carnival is the essence and well-spring of Trinidad culture and that the creativity, spontaneity, joie de vivre, revelry, pleasure, freedom, lyricism and musical flair it generates pervades the whole society. I have tried to balance the scales of social benefits and costs and found that it may weigh more heavily on the side of costs. And I have concluded that the economic liabilities and burdens would seem to outweigh the economic advantages. Why then does the festival continue to be accorded such outstanding pride of place in the cultural calendar. I think the answer may be found in examining the political dimensions of the celebration.

It is necessary to place the issue in historical perspective. Carnival is said to originate in the period of slavery as one of the few non-violent avenues created by the slaves to protest the harsh reality of social, economic and legal suppression by the state and the associated order. The protest was realised through satire, caricature and deliberately outrageous behaviour designed to confront and shock the authorities and the social hierarchy. And this was its raison d’etre during the post-slavery colonial era. The participants at this time were all former African slaves and/or their descendants.

The colonial state at first attempted to suppress this vehicle of protest but soon began to tolerate it as a means by which the majority population expressed its pent-up emotions and constituted a source of diversion for them. The accompanying lyrics of satire, protest and commentary formed the basis of calypso. Though giving cautious permission, nevertheless the state imposed limits and restrictions. And while creoles of European ancestry did participate in the festival, it was emerging as an overwhelming expression of the African sentiment.

In the post-war period two developments of note occurred. The first was the invention of the steel pan and its sounds became the musical appendage of street Carnival. The steel bands were organised by competing gangs particularly in the Laventille area and the Carnival street processions frequently turned into violent clashes between these gangs. The response of the state was to employ measures of suppression and containment.

The second development was the more pronounced and enthusiastic participation by the creoles of European and Chinese ancestry. But it was a segmented participation and exclusive in nature. They also took the lead in packaging, promoting and showcasing the festival in the grand Dimanche Gras show at the Grand Stand Savannah on the Sunday evening before Carnival. These creoles however did not participate in Carnival as a form of protest or rebellion against the state since they had accommodated themselves to colonial rule. Nor were they opposed to the existing social order which many of them had shaped and in which they were firmly ensconced. The motive of these creoles was to engage in frolic and revelry but at the same time to identify with an indigenous celebration through which they sought to display their credentials of national cultural loyalty. It was viewed by them as “we own ting — a Trini creation.” Nevertheless participation in Carnival remained overwhelmingly afro-Trinidadian.

The advent of the Afro-dominated political party in 1956 and its accession to office transformed the whole social and political landscape. The colour of the political directorate had changed particularly so after Independence. It was a state founded on black nationalism and committed to the pursuit of this cause. If the afro-Trinidadians persisted in protest action through Carnival, it would have been against an afro-dominated state and this was inconceivable. The biting satire and uncouth mockery of those enjoying power and the status had to be directed elsewhere — to those who were now perceived to be political enemies-whether local white or indo-Trinidadians.

The hierarchy of the PNM could not fail to discern the huge possibilities for political mobilisation presented by Carnival. Ideologically it was the cultural expression of black nationalism. Socially it was an avenue to proclaim freedom from restraints for the suppressed afro-Trinidadians through slogans such as “Massa Day Done.”

There was the opportunity to pander to afro-Trinidadian sentiment for social redress as well as to reconstruct the social order to integrate groups perceived to be outside of it like the badjohns and combatants of Laventille. In this way a measure of social stability was to be ensured. Politically, Carnival presented not only a means of distributing patronage but of harnessing the associated activities for political ends. It was the beginning of massive state intervention and the concomitant large expenditure outlays. The beneficiaries of state largesse expanded exponentially and they all were aware of who controlled funds and to whom obeisance should be paid.

Thus it was that in 1957 the PNM Government moved to impose order on the Carnival activities by setting up a National Carnival Committee and stage managing the show at the Grand Stand Savannah and parade of bands. The Dimanche Gras show was taken over because it was deemed offensive to have local whites showcasing an activity which was predominantly afro-Trinidadian and crowning year after year a Carnival queen of light hue. The calyposes were converted from songs of protest against the state to lyrics of encouragement for the new regime and adoration for its leader. Similarly, it was deemed obligatory to counter Opposition attacks and question their bona fides.

This general support for the party and politics of black nationalism and messianic deliverance continued over the decades of PNM rule. It is not therefore by accident that Patrick Manning will jump up on a Carnival stage in San Fernando and enthusiastically embrace Sugar Aloes as a calypso hero. The contents and purpose of many of Sugar Aloes’ (and Cro Cro’s) songs are well known. In the Carnival season of 1996, one of them commented with grief on the PNM’s loss of office — “Black man look for that.”

It seems to me that Carnival serves an enduring political purpose for the black nationalist party and, despite the social and economic disabilities associated with it and its limitations as an expression of culture, it will continue to be propagated by the state and supported by even larger subventions. Space does not permit me to elaborate on my recommendations.

trevorsudama@tstt.net.tt