A helping hand

However, it is also clear the divisions in Venezuela are so deep that the chances of the country resolving its crisis on its own grow slimmer by the day.

Political and military power has been hoarded by one man; all of the institutions that are supposed to act as independent checks and balances have been stacked with his cronies; and the economic situation has deteriorated due to failed policies – triggering shortages of the most basic items and widespread discontent and protest action. This is an extremely volatile situation which could explode.

Many fear a repeat of the 1989 Caracazo.

Caricom cannot afford to remain on the sidelines. It has a direct interest in seeing a successful return to stability.

The economic situation in Venezuela is itself detrimental to our trade and, more worryingly, its impact on social conditions raises certain risks. Deprivation and scarce resources open the door to criminality, criminality that easily spills over into neighbouring states. Trinidad and Tobago has witnessed a rise in piracy incidents that are thought to be carried out by Venezuelans.

But will both sides within Venezuela embrace the idea of Caricom acting as a mediator? Caricom has remained a key ally and enjoys relatively good relations with Cuba, factors which suggest yes.

Still, Caricom is in a sticky position because it must reconcile several diametrically-opposed principles. After Prime Minister Dr Keith Rowley’s tabling of the matter, regional leaders on Thursday reaffirmed Caricom’s “guiding principles of the adherence to the rule of law, respect for human rights and democracy, as well as for the fundamental principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affairs of states.” This basket of principles is clearly designed to bring all sides to the table.

Maduro supporters argue he is following the law.

In fact, so much so he wants to change it to have even more special powers.

At the same time, regional human rights bodies have been rejected, opposition and dissent silenced, the media proscribed, and independent officials castigated.

Caricom may have to convince Maduro that there should be a return to a free system of checks and balances – including involving ceding power to opposition members in the Congress. It will also have to persuade him to address economic problems by placing greater dependency on free trade.

At the same time, Caricom will also have to appease the opposition forces who feel they have been oppressed and who will be sceptical of any deals entered into with Maduro. In fact, one term of any dialogue might be the assurance of a peaceful transition of power to another leader through a free and fair election.

None of this is going to be easy.

But Caricom has too much to lose if it sits idly by, waiting for some force to fill the power vacuum that is opening up.

Venezuela sits on the world’s largest proven oil reserves and it is of vital significance in the context of military action and the matter of fossil fuel use. The country’s proximity to South American states also increases the risk of instability in the region.

If Venezuela is unable to uphold democratic principles, this is also an ideological threat to the region.

Many will, however, note the irony of Caricom seeking to remind its big brother of the importance of “respect for human rights and democracy.” It is clear that Caricom itself has not done enough to advance human rights as a whole.