What is to be for the UNC
It seems fair to say that the United National Congress is in a worse position now than it was before the party’s internal election just over two weeks ago. The deep cleavages within the UNC have been highlighted ever since Basdeo Panday’s slate triumphed over Winston Dookeran’s, with the added controversy of St Joseph MP Gerald Yetming losing out to former National Flour Mills CEO Vasant Barath after a recount. This incident, along with Mr Panday’s unilateral decision to invite Ramesh Lawrence Maharaj to be an Opposition Senator, led to UNC financier and now deputy chairman Jack Warner being publicly critical of Mr Panday. Then, on Sunday, Mr Yetming declared that he no longer has any confidence in, or respect for, Mr Panday — and moved to the backbench in the Lower House to reinforce his point. The recount has inflicted a deep wound to the already bloody body politic of the UNC. Given the party’s tarnished image in the area of integrity, accusations of vote-fixing have naturally swirled around Mr Barath’s belated victory. Nor are matters helped by the characters at the centre of the controversy. Mr Yetming is known as a maverick, and one of the first UNC MPs to suggest that Mr Panday had to step aside if the UNC were to get into government again. Mr Barath, although cleared of any wrong-doing, is still best known as the man at the centre of the "dog rice" scandal. He is also said to be a particular favourite of Mr Panday. In such an imbroglio, the solution is quite obvious. There has to be an internal electoral contest between Mr Yetming and Mr Barath. This would put to rest allegations of ballot-tampering and legitimise whoever wins. Yet Mr Panday seems to have rejected any such strategy, while Mr Winston Dookeran, the UNC’s official political leader, seems hapless to resolve the situation. When all this is added to Mr Panday’s stubborn refusal to let Mr Dookeran take his place as Opposition Leader — or, indeed, as the true leader of the UNC — the effects are quite dire. The cleavages in the party’s leadership are mirrored by cleavages in the party’s rank and file. This means that, in a general election, many of the traditional UNC supporters will probably stay away from the polls. And, if this is the case in the party’s grassroots support, what will be the case in the national community? Although race remains a key factor in how people vote, demography has ensured that it is no longer the decisive factor in who wins. Electoral victory for either the UNC or the PNM now depends on each party’s ability to attract the "floating vote" — a bloc of voters who live in the marginal constituencies and who, it seems, do not vote according to tribal loyalties. But, in its present state of chaos and untrustworthiness, it is unlikely that these voters will come out for the UNC, no matter how fed up they may be of the crime situation under the Manning administration. How the UNC will solve its problems is a matter for that party’s leadership. But, unless they do solve them, the Central-based party may well become a spent force in national politics.
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"What is to be for the UNC"